widespread.10 The reporting period revealed an increase in the severity of anti- Christian persecution. In parts of the Middle East and Africa, the
\n “vast scale”11 of the violence and its perpetrators’ declared intent to eradicate the Christian community has led to several Parliamentary declarations12
\n in recent years that the faith group has suffered genocides according to the definition adopted by the UN.13<\/div>\n
Against this backdrop, academics, journalists and religious leaders (both Christian and non-Christian) have stated that, as Cambridge University Press
\n puts it, the global persecution of Christians is “an urgent human rights issue that remains underreported”.14 An op-ed piece in the Washington
\n Post stated: “Persecution of Christians continues… but it rarely gets much attention in the Western media. Even many churchmen in the West turn
\n a blind eye.”15 Journalist John L Allen wrote in The Spectator: “[The] global war on Christians remains the greatest story never told of the early
\n 21st century.”16 While government leaders, such as UK Prime Minister Theresa May17 and German Chancellor Angela Merkel,18 have publicly acknowledged
\n the scale of persecution, concerns have centred on whether their public pronouncements and policies have given insufficient weight to the topic.
\n Baroness Warsi told BBC Radio 4 that politicians should set “legal parameters as to what will and will not be tolerated. There is much more we
\n can do.”19 Former Archbishop of Canterbury Lord Carey said western governments have been “strangely and inexplicably reluctant to confront”20 persecution
\n of Christians in the Middle East. UK Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt said he was “not convinced”21 that Britain’s response to Christian persecution
\n was adequate.<\/div>\n
There is widespread evidence showing that “today, Christians constitute by far the most widely persecuted religion.”22 Finding once again that Christianity
\n is the most persecuted religion in the world, the Pew Research Center concluded that in 2016 Christians were targeted in 144 countries23 \u2013 a rise
\n from 125 in 2015.24 According to Pew Research, “Christians have been harassed in more countries than any other religious group and have suffered
\n harassment in many of the heavily Muslim countries of the Middle East and North Africa.”25 Reporting “a shocking increase in the persecution of
\n Christians globally”, Christian persecution NGO Open Doors (OD) revealed in its 2019 World Watch List Report on anti-Christian oppression that
\n “approximately 245 million Christians living in the top 50 countries suffer high levels of persecution or worse”26, 30 million up on the previous
\n year.27 Open Doors stated that within five years the number of countries classified as having “extreme” persecution had risen from one (North Korea)
\n to 11.28 Both OD and Aid to the Church in Need (ACN) have highlighted the increasing threat from “aggressive nationalism”29 or “ultra-nationalism”30
\n in countries such as China and India \u2013 growing world powers \u2013 as well as from Islamist militia groups. According to Persecution Relief, 736 attacks
\n were recorded in India in 2017, up from 348 in 2016.31 With reports in China showing an upsurge of persecution against Christians, between 2014
\n and 2016, government authorities in Zheijiang Province targeted up to 2,000 churches, which were either partially or completely destroyed or had
\n their crosses removed.32<\/div>\n
Evidence shows not only the geographic spread of anti-Christian persecution, but also its increasing severity. In some regions, the level and nature
\n of persecution is arguably coming close to meeting the international definition of genocide, !16<\/div>\n
<\/p>\n
according to that adopted by the UN.33 The eradication of Christians and other minorities on pain of “the sword”34 or other violent means was revealed
\n to be the specific and stated objective of extremist groups in Syria, Iraq, Egypt, north-east Nigeria and the Philippines. An intent to erase all
\n evidence of the Christian presence was made plain by the removal of crosses, the destruction of Church buildings and other Church symbols.35 The
\n killing and abduction of clergy represented a direct attack on the Church’s structure and leadership. Where these and other incidents meet the
\n tests of genocide, state parties to the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide have a duty not only to bring perpetrators
\n to justice but also to prevent attempts at genocide.<\/div>\n
The main impact of such genocidal acts against Christians is internal displacement and exodus. Christianity now faces the possibility of being wiped-out
\n in parts of the Middle East where its roots go back furthest. In Palestine, Christian numbers are below 1.5 percent36; in Syria the Christian population
\n has declined from 1.7 million in 2011 to below 450,00037 and in Iraq, largely through the ‘ethnic cleansing’ of ancient Christian communities from
\n the Nineveh Plains, Christian numbers have slumped from 1.5 million before 2003 to below 120,000 today.38 Christianity is at risk of disappearing,
\n representing a massive setback for plurality in the region. It is that plurality which has been a key for security and stability in the region
\n for hundreds of years.<\/div>\n
In its 2017 ‘Persecuted and Forgotten?’ report on Christian persecution, ACN stated: “In terms of the number of people involved, the gravity of the
\n crimes committed and their impact, it is clear that the persecution of Christians is today worse than at any time in history.”39 Given the scale
\n of persecution, the response of the media and western Governments has come under increasing criticism. Former Chief Rabbi Jonathan Sacks told the
\n House of Lords: “The persecution of Christians throughout much of the Middle East, sub-Saharan Africa and Asia, [and] elsewhere is one of the crimes
\n against humanity of our time and I’m appalled at the lack of protest it has evoked”.40 This echoes the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, Fouad Twal:
\n “‘Does anybody here hear our cry? How many atrocities must we endure before someone comes to our aid?”41<\/div>\n
Given the scale of persecution of Christians today, indications that it is getting worse and that its impact involves the decimation of some of the
\n faith group’s oldest and most enduring communities, the need for governments to give increasing priority and specific targeted support to this
\n faith community is not only necessary but increasingly urgent.<\/div>\n
Types of Persecution<\/div>\n
The persecution of and discriminatory behaviour towards Christians varies greatly in severity and intensity from place to place across every continent.
\n It can be more or less intrusive into everyday life and its perpetrators can have varying degrees of legitimacy in local communities and national
\n society. Oppression may come from official representatives of the state and even be enshrined in law at one end of the scale, or alternatively
\n be the result of agitation by certain more or less informal<\/div>\n
!17<\/div>\n
<\/p>\n
elements within society. It can be perpetrated by close family and friends, particularly when a subject changes their religious allegiance away from
\n that of their family, friends and neighbours. On another scale, those dissenting from the majority religion or ideology of a society can find that
\n activities that take place in the privacy of their own home can be subject to interference and arbitrary arrest or strong social opprobrium whilst
\n what goes on within their place of worship is largely not interfered with. Failure to belong to the majority religion or ideology of a society,
\n especially when religious allegiance is recorded on identity papers, can also result in a limitation of access to employment and educational opportunities.
\n The human right to freedom of religion or belief can only be said to be fully enjoyed when observance can freely take place in public and in private
\n and when belonging to any particular religion or changing your religion or belief does not affect your life chances and opportunity for economic
\n and social advancement in society.<\/div>\n
Violent persecution exists in many forms. Firstly there is mass violence which regularly expresses itself through the bombing of churches, as has been
\n the case in countries such as Egypt42, Pakistan43 and Indonesia44, whereby the perpetrators raise levels of fear amongst the Christian community
\n and attempt to suppress the community’s appetite to practise its right to public expression of freedom of religion or belief. State militaries
\n attacking minority communities which practise a different faith to the country’s majority also constitutes a violent threat to Christian communities
\n such as the Kachin45 and Chin46 people of Myanmar and the Christians of the Nuba mountains of Sudan.47 The torture of Christians is widespread
\n in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK)48 and Eritrean49 prisons, and beatings in police custody are widely reported in India.50<\/div>\n
Extrajudicial killings and the enforced and involuntary disappearance of Christians are also widespread. These violent manifestations of persecution
\n can be perpetrated by the state51 as has been reported by international jurists in the case of the murders taking place within DPRK prisons52 and
\n as was allegedly seen in the kidnapping of Pastor Raymond Koh in Malaysia.53 These acts are also perpetrated by non-state actors such as Muslim
\n extremists who systematically target and kidnap Christian girls in Pakistan54 and in the recent murder of Pastor Leider Molina in Colombia by a
\n guerrilla\/paramilitary group.55<\/div>\n
‘Militant vigilante groups’ which ‘patrol their neighbourhoods’ looking for those who do not conform to society’s religious norms also pose a violent
\n threat56 to Christians in India. Mob violence has become a regular occurrence in the states of Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Madhya Pradesh,
\n Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand, and Telangana57 leading to beatings, forced conversion from Christianity to Hinduism, sexual violence against women and
\n murder.58<\/div>\n
Social persecution is often structural in nature and harder to detect, but is the type of persecution which the majority of persecuted Christians are
\n experiencing because it is so far reaching in every area of life.59 For instance, the private lives of Christians are closely regulated in the
\n DPRK60 with widespread state propaganda attempting to regulate the thought lives of its citizens.61 In countries such as Saudi Arabia62 and the
\n Maldives63 citizens are not entitled to hold Christian meetings<\/div>\n
!18<\/div>\n
<\/p>\n
even in the privacy of their own homes. In countries such as Uzbekistan64, Turkmenistan65, Tajikistan66 and Kazakhstan67 the churches are tightly regulated
\n with the freedom of religion or belief severely inhibited as churches are regularly raided. In both China68 and Tajikistan69 reports of churches
\n being forced to turn minors away from services continues to undermine the right70 of parents to pass on their religion to their children.71<\/div>\n
The suppression of public expressions of Christianity is further curbed through discriminatory behaviour and harassment by bureaucratic means.72 This
\n has included the denial of permits and licenses which are required by law for a church to be built in countries such as Egypt. Whilst recent welcome
\n changes in Egyptian law have codified the right of Christians to build and renovate churches73 locally challenges can still be experienced74. Beyond
\n churches themselves, in the ‘community sphere’, government officials treating Christians with ‘contempt, hostility or suspicion’,75 on the basis
\n of their faith, is experienced regularly with, for example, the denial of burial rights in Nepal76, the use of textbooks with contempt for non-Muslims
\n in schools in Pakistan77, and the displacement of Christian leaders in Latin America.78 In the most extreme cases community rulings force Christians
\n to leave their village. This type of ruling by indigenous communities in India79 and Latin America80 is regularly reported.<\/div>\n
Finally, the situation within the ‘national sphere’ highlights the way in which Christians experience laws which are detrimental to their international
\n right to freedom of religion or belief. According to the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom, 71 of the world’s countries
\n have blasphemy legislation in place.81 The high profile case of the Pakistani Christian Asia Bibi highlighted that these laws are often unjustly
\n used with accusers often lacking credible evidence.82 In other instances blasphemy legislation is used disproportionately against religious minorities,
\n as was seen in the imprisonment of the Christian Governor of Jakarta, Basuki Cahaya Purnama.83 Furthermore, unjust trials are commonplace, as has
\n been seen in the case of Iranian Priest Ebrahim Firouzi who was originally arrested in March 2013 on allegations of ‘promoting Christian Zionism’
\n and has since 2015 been serving a further five year prison sentence on charges of acting against national security.84<\/div>\n
In the ‘national sphere’, religious extremists\/nationalists have carefully crafted an influential political narrative that states that Christianity
\n is an alien or foreign religion in a number of countries.85 For example, there is a growing narrative in India that to be Indian is to be Hindu.86
\n Such toxic narratives, widespread amongst political elites, have led to mob violence in India87, the systematic attack of Christian minorities
\n in Myanmar88 89and the interference with theological expression in China.90 The suppression of Christian practices under the guise of ‘anti-extremism’
\n legislation is also a regular tactic used to suppress church life in countries such as Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.91<\/div>\n
!19<\/div>\n
<\/p>\n
Intersectionality and Freedom of Religion or Belief<\/div>\n
In the Western mind-set FoRB is often perceived to be in opposition to other rights, notably rights around sexual identity. However there is significant
\n evidence that a concern for FoRB actually intersects (rather than conflicts) and indeed underpins other rights and issues that are of major concern
\n to Western governments. The impact of violating a person’s religious freedom frequently means a violation of other key human rights such as freedom
\n of assembly or association, freedom of expression (for cases where religious manifestation is denied), the right to life and the right to freedom
\n from torture (for where people are being tortured), etc.<\/div>\n
Additionally there is a clear intersection between poverty and social exclusion and FoRB: in Pakistan, the Christian minority is reported to be 1.6%
\n – 2.5% of the population (2,600,000 people)92. Most live in extreme poverty, their forebears having converted from the Dalit caste before Partition.<\/div>\n
As for poverty so for trade and security: put simply, states where FoRB is respected are more likely to be stable, and thus more reliable trading partners,
\n and less likely to pose a security risk.<\/div>\n
There is a particular intersection between the denial of FoRB and gender equality93. Again, put simply, in global terms, Christian women are more likely
\n to be a victims of discrimination and persecution (including people trafficking, gender-based violence, kidnapping and forced marriage) than men.
\n In the last 10 years anecdotal evidence has begun to emerge from persecuted Christians that women were suffering violent attacks, targeted abuses
\n and restrictions in the face of ‘double marginalisation’. They were marginalised and abused because of being both a woman and Christian. Reporting
\n on Christian women can be minimalised by the fact that they are often invisible to society and poorly represented by stakeholders and civil society.<\/div>\n
In 2018 and 2019 analysis from the Open Doors World Watch list included gender profiles confirming that persecution was indeed gender specific. It
\n correlates well with the previous reports and has validated numerous case studies that organisations such as Release International, Open Doors
\n and Christian Solidarity Worldwide have presented in the last five years.<\/div>\n
Thus there is evidence from Pakistan of Christian girls being groomed and trafficked into sham marriages, and suffering forced conversion, often with
\n the aim of bringing shame and dishonour on the family94. In Parliament on 21st May 2019 Lord Alton asked, ‘Her Majesty’s Government what assessment
\n they have made of the human rights and freedom of religion or belief implications of the case of the 16 year old Pakistani Christian girl Sheeza
\n Riasat who was abducted from her parents’ home near Gujranwala, Pakistan on 12 February and forcibly converted and married; and what representations
\n they have made to the government of Pakistan about that case’95. In 2015 a leader in Egypt reported that as many as 40-50% of Christians living
\n in poverty had been victims of sexual abuse from a relative or a near neighbour who was living in close quarters. Such an environment perpetuates
\n the desire for escape out of poverty and abuse, making such women particularly vulnerable to grooming. In Iraq a new law states that the<\/div>\n
!20<\/div>\n
<\/p>\n
child has to inherit religion from the father, even if the woman is raped. This has severe consequences for women from religious minorities from which
\n many were taken as sex slaves by ISIS96.<\/div>\n
As well as being a simple matter of justice this intersectionality of women’s rights and FoRB illustrates that Western governments, by paying attention
\n to the latter, which has not been a traditional concern, can do much to address the former, which certainly has been a matter of significant concern
\n to them.<\/div>\n
!21<\/div>\n
<\/p>\n
Region by Region Analysis<\/div>\n
Regional Focus: Middle East & North Africa (MENA)<\/div>\n
The persecution of Christians is perhaps at its most virulent in the region of the birthplace of Christianity \u2013 the Middle East & North Africa
\n (MENA for short). As mentioned earlier, forms of persecution ranging from routine discrimination in education, employment and social life up to
\n genocidal attacks against Christian communities have led to a significant exodus of Christian believers from this region since the turn of the
\n century.<\/div>\n
During the past two decades religious freedom in the MENA region has taken a turn for the worse.97 Sectarianism is the main source of most conflicts
\n and remains a powerful political, social and cultural force throughout the MENA. As a result, the MENA ethnic and religious minority groups, especially
\n Christians, face a high level of persecution by the state, by religious extremist armed groups and, in many places, by societies and communities.98
\n In countries such as Algeria, Iran, Iraq, Syria and Saudi Arabia the situation of Christians and other minorities has reached an alarming stage.99
\n In Saudi Arabia there are strict limitations on all forms of expression of Christianity including public acts of worship. There have been regular
\n crackdowns on private Christian services100. Tensions fuelled by the wider Arab- Israeli conflict has caused the majority of Palestinian Christians
\n to leave their homeland. The population of Palestinian Christians has dropped from 11% (under the British Mandate101) to 2%.102The 2011 ‘Arab Spring’
\n and the fall of old dictatorships gave ground to religious extremism that increased greatly the pressures upon and persecutions of Christians in
\n Egypt, Syria, Iraq and Libya.<\/div>\n
A century ago Christians comprised 20% of the MENA population. Today, they are less than 4 percent,103 and estimated to be around 15 million.104 Four
\n critical factors have contributed to the drastic decline and exodus of Christians from the Middle East:<\/div>\n
1. The political failures in the Middle East have created a fertile ground for religious extremists and other actors to intensify religious and sectarian
\n divisions in MENA. The rise of religious extremism, civil wars and general violence in various countries, especially since early 2000, have caused
\n a huge migration of Christians (and non-Christians) from the Middle East.105 Political failures have also impacted Muslim-Christian relationships,
\n and compromised significantly the safety of Christians and other religious minority groups in the region.106<\/div>\n
2. MENA states such as Turkey and Algeria have become more religiously conservative. In a number of countries in the region, a shift towards religious
\n conservatism has marginalised Christians and other minorities. This is linked to a growth in popular nationalism. In Turkey, for example, President
\n Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s nationalist agenda has asserted Sunni Islam, to the disadvantage of minority groups, a process which “gathered momentum”107
\n as the government responded to the July 2016 coup. Christians reported being under increased pressure, stating that state media portrayed them
\n as “the enemy”108 In late February 2019, the French<\/div>\n
!22<\/div>\n
<\/p>\n
parliament opened an inquiry into the rights of Christian minorities in Algeria, amid reports that over the previous year the Algerian authorities
\n “have closed churches and held legal proceedings against Christian clerics…”109<\/div>\n
3. MENA countries with constitutional tensions \u2013 or contradictions \u2013 concerning religious liberty. MENA countries such as Iraq and Egypt both uphold
\n Shari’a as the central foundation of all law while also upholding religious freedom. For example in Iraq, the 2005 constitution states in Article
\n 2 (1) a: “No law may be enacted that contradicts the established provision of Islam” but Article 2 (2) “guarantees the full religious rights to
\n freedom of religious belief and practice to all individuals such as Christians, Yazidis and Mandean Sabeans.”110 Apparent tensions \u2013 if not outright
\n contradictions \u2013 between some interpretations of Shari’a and religious freedom precepts have been highlighted with initiatives recommended to “strengthen
\n protection of human rights” (Iraq’s Permanent Constitution (March 2006), Analysis and Recommendations)111 especially for minorities. With conversion
\n outside of Islam judged to be anathema, minority faith groups are liable for prosecution including “punishment”112 for alleged incentives to attract
\n newcomers or perceived lack of respect for Muslim faith practices. Studies have highlighted apparent “incompatibility”113 between Shari’a and human
\n rights legislation applied in Europe for example. That said, in Egypt when the 2014 constitution was approved, the Catholic Church “welcomed the
\n text”114 in spite of the new document’s assertion of the importance of Shari’a.<\/div>\n
4. Persecution and discrimination against Christians is not a new phenomenon in the Middle East, but it is the most important factor for the recent
\n drastic decline of Christians from the MENA region. The rise of radical ideologies has increased religious intolerance against Christians. This
\n can be seen throughout the MENA region.115 In countries such as Egypt and Algeria, despite efforts by central government in the former, ‘extremist
\n groups exploit institutional weaknesses in the justice, rule of law and police system to threaten Christians.’116 The rise of hate speech against
\n Christians in state media and by religious leaders, especially in countries like Iran117 and Saudi Arabia118, has compromised the safety of Christians
\n and created social intolerance.<\/div>\n
In 2016 various political bodies including the UK House of Commons, the European Parliament and the US House of Representatives, declared that ISIS
\n atrocities against Christians and other religious minority groups such as Yazidis and Shi’a Muslims met the tests of genocide.119 Archbishop Athanasius
\n Toma Dawod of the Syrian Orthodox Church called it “genocide – ethnic cleansing.”120 Whilst Release International had been informed that the numbers
\n of Christians who were killed for their faith by ISIS was not high although very large numbers were dispossessed and forced to flee, ACN argued
\n that ‘in targeting Christians, Yazidis and Mandaeans and other minorities, Daesh (ISIS) and other fundamentalist groups are in breach of the UN
\n Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide’.121<\/div>\n
!23<\/div>\n
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The recent defeat of the ‘Islamic State’, has strengthened the influence of other Islamist groups who continue to persecute Christians. Furthermore
\n dramatic political changes continue to severely impact the situation of many religious minority groups, including Christians, in the region.122<\/div>\n
Nonetheless the situation is not uniform: ‘While the overall situation of Christians in the Middle East is grim, their status and circumstances vary
\n considerably across the region \u2013 with a stronger sense of protection and security for Christians in Egypt and Lebanon, for example, then in Syria
\n and Iraq.’123<\/div>\n
MENA trends and themes<\/div>\n
Cases of persecution and discrimination against Christians are complicated because of the mixed motives and multiple actors involved and vary depending
\n on the degree of freedom of religion or belief in different countries in the region. In some cases the state, extremist groups, families and communities
\n participate collectively in persecution and discriminatory behaviour. In countries such as Iran, Algeria and Qatar, the state is the main actor,
\n whereas in Syria, Yemen, Saudi Arabia and Libya both state and non-state actors, especially religious extremist groups, are implicated. Christians
\n with a Muslim background are most vulnerable and face tougher persecution from all actors and especially from their families and communities.124<\/div>\n
As evidenced below, the most common forms of persecution, in recent years (2015 \u2013 2018) have been martyrdom, violent threats, general harassment, legal
\n discrimination, incitement to hatred through media and from the pulpit, detention and imprisonment.<\/div>\n
Based on the Middle East Concern (MEC) 2018 annual report, in 2017 a total of 99 Egyptian Christians were killed by extremist groups, with 47 killed
\n on Palm Sunday in Tanta and Alexandria125. Egyptian Christians were continuously targeted by extremist groups during 2017 and 2018126. This is
\n despite the evident efforts of the regime in power since 2014 to champion the rights of minorities127, witnessed by President Sisi’s opening of
\n a new Cathedral and Mosque opposite one another in the heart of Cairo128.<\/div>\n
Arrest, detention and imprisonment are common in Iran and Saudi Arabia. For example in the course of six days before Christmas 2018, 114 Christians
\n were arrested in Iran with court cases left pending apparently as a form of intimidation.129 Though most cases in Iran involve converts, indigenous
\n Christians such as Pastor Victor, an Assyrian Christian, with his wife Shamiran Issavi and their son, have also been targeted and imprisoned.130<\/div>\n
Legal obstacles that restrict the building and maintenance of places of worship are another trend in persecution and discrimination in countries such
\n as Egypt, Algeria and Turkey. Several states such as Turkey and Algeria, have increased their interference in church institutions and leaders.
\n Sectarian attacks against churches and church properties have also increased in Turkey and Egypt. As regards the latter, ‘sectarian tension, sometimes
\n escalating to violent attack, [was] based on claims that Christians were using unauthorised properties as places of worship.’131<\/div>\n
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<\/p>\n
Many of these properties had in fact been used for Christian worship for years, with permit applications pending for substantial periods without response.<\/div>\n
Confiscation of church properties, attack on churches and properties owned by Christians in Syria, Iraq132, Iran,133 Israel134, Egypt and Algeria have
\n been reported.135 Community-based sectarian attacks on church properties have increased in Egypt, Turkey and Israel, including vandalism of churches.136
\n Similar attitudes are demonstrated in the northern area of Cyprus currently under Turkish occupation. Access for worship to the historic Orthodox
\n and Maronite churches in the area is severely restricted (only once a year if specific permission is granted in many cases) and even in the small
\n number of churches where regular Sunday services are permitted intrusive police surveillance137 is complained of and services may occasionally
\n be closed down by force and the congregation evicted without notice. Other churches are able to worship weekly but also complain of intrusive police
\n surveillance. Many historic churches and associated cemeteries in the area have also been allowed to fall into disrepair, be vandalised or converted
\n to other uses138.<\/div>\n
Incitement to hatred and hate propaganda against Christians in some states, and by state sponsored media and social media, especially in Iran and Turkey,
\n have escalated.139 Whilst the Turkish constitutional system is based on equality before the law, with religious discrimination outlawed, the governing
\n AK Party has depicted Christians as a “threat to the stability of the nation.140” Turkish Christian citizens have often been stereotyped as “not
\n real Turks” but as Western collaborators. Turkey’s Association of Protestant Churches in their 2018 annual Rights Violation Report claimed that
\n anti-Christian hate speech had increased in the Turkish media including private media.141″ During the Christmas 2017 and New Year 2018 season various
\n anti-Christmas campaigns were carried out; the Diyarbakir protestant church was stoned, and antagonistic posters were hung on the streets. “The
\n participation in these campaigns by various public institutions created an intense atmosphere of hate.”142<\/div>\n
Similarly, the US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) issued a study of Saudi school textbooks in March 2018. The findings confirmed
\n that they teach pupils religious hatred and intolerance towards non-Muslims “including references to anti-Christians and anti-Jewish bigotry.”143
\n Throughout 2017, according to MEC, threats to Christians in Iraq, in areas dominated by Shi’a militia increased. Christians coming from a Muslim
\n background have been the most vulnerable in almost all states in the MENA region. The perpetrators have mainly been extremist groups and their
\n own family and community members, except in Iran where the state is the main persecutor of Christians.<\/div>\n
Due to lack of trust in the security system,144 and the extended damage to their homes, only a modest number of Christian refugees have returned to
\n their homelands in Iraq and Syria. Since the impact on Christians of the ongoing crisis in Syria has remained disproportionately high, Christian
\n communities are heavily concentrated in government-controlled areas or in the North East.<\/div>\n
Security issues and slow progress in infrastructure reconstruction have discouraged Christians from Iraq and Syria from returning to their homelands.
\n In Syria, young !25<\/div>\n
<\/p>\n
men in particular continue to leave145, many of them “desperate”146 to escape from military service. Christian families giving evidence to organisations
\n including Aid to the Church in Need staff visiting Homs, Syria, underlined their continuing “deep mistrust”147 of Muslim neighbours who in their
\n view betrayed them to advancing Islamist militants.” Although Christians continue to populate western urban centres including Damascus, Aleppo,
\n Tartous and Homs, their numbers have fallen drastically. In Aleppo, for example, reports from April 2019 suggested a decline in the Christian population
\n from 360,000 before 2012 to about 25,000 today.148 Many Christians continue to live in displacement with only a modest number returning to their
\n bomb-damaged towns and villages. There were exceptions to this such as those returning to Krak des Chavaliers (Al Husn) village149, where homes
\n had been rebuilt.<\/div>\n
Christians in Iraq have highlighted the threat of hostile militia, saying it is too unsafe to return to their homes in the Nineveh Plains. As of February
\n 2019, “fewer than a third”150 of Christians in the Nineveh town of Bartella living in the town before the August 2014 invasion of Daesh (ISIS)
\n had returned following the military defeat of the extremist militants. A journalist visiting Bartella in early 2019 stated: “Most [Christians]
\n remain afraid, amid reports of intimidation by Shabak, who dominate the Shiite militias now controlling the town.”151<\/div>\n
However, in Nineveh as a whole, the rate of return of Christians has been far greater. A comprehensive survey of the entire region showed that, as
\n of 16th March 2019, just over 45 percent of the 19,832 Christian families living there before the Daesh invasion, had returned.152 According to
\n this research, the numbers returning were linked to the rate of repair of homes damaged by Daesh, which had also topped 45 percent.153 Nineveh
\n bucks the trend, with reports that Christians in Iraq have fallen from 1.5 million before 2003 to less than 150,000 today.154<\/div>\n
Discrimination in employment and higher education, especially for Christian converts, is very common, and most of such discrimination goes unreported
\n and unchallenged. Though Christians in Jordan to some extent enjoy freedom, most of the persecution has targeted Christians from a Muslim background.<\/div>\n
In Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman and UAE Christians are relatively free to worship as long as they obey the state’s restrictions and do not evangelise Muslims.
\n Qatar allows foreign churches, but restricts the importation of Bibles.155<\/div>\n
MENA Conclusion<\/div>\n
Religious persecution and discrimination, political failures, the rise of Muslim extremists, and the lack of legally protected freedom of religion
\n or belief have all contributed in shaping the status of Christians in the MENA region. Based on Pew Research findings, Christians remain the most
\n vulnerable of religious groups in the Middle East (and around the world).156 Though the decline of Christians from the Middle East started in the
\n early 20th century, during the past decade, on the evidence cited above, millions of Christians have been uprooted from their homes, and many have
\n been killed, kidnapped, imprisoned and discriminated against.<\/div>\n
Despite the disheartening nature of the situation, the steadfast presence of Christians in the region is a sign of hope and opportunity to advocate
\n for religious protection, to advance pluralism and religious tolerance across the region as well<\/div>\n
!26<\/div>\n
<\/p>\n
as preserving Christian heritage, fostering positive relationships between Muslim and Christian communities, and encouraging peace and reconciliation.
\n \u2029<\/div>\n
!27<\/div>\n
<\/p>\n
Regional Focus: South Asia<\/div>\n
To the east of the MENA region lie countries with a diversity of majority religions. In nearly all of these there is routine discrimination against
\n Christians which has crossed over into outright persecution in recent years.<\/div>\n
The growth of militant nationalism has been the key driver of Christian persecution in the south Asia region. In a number of cases \u2013 although by no
\n means all \u2013 nationalistic ambitions have been yoked to a specific religion to which Christianity is perceived as being threatening or antagonistic.
\n According to one analysis, ‘A number of political parties in the region have outwardly embraced militant religious causes to increase their populist
\n electoral base, exploiting the issue of religion at the expense of their opponents. This is the case in India (with the Bharatiya Janata Party),
\n Pakistan, and Bangladesh.’157 One might also add Sri Lanka’s Jathika Hela Urumaya, a Sinhalese nationalist party, in which Buddhist monks have
\n been active from its formation. In countries such as Pakistan, India and Sri Lanka extremist forms of Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism have increasingly
\n flexed their muscles.158 Ahmed Shaheed, the UN’s special rapporteur for religious freedom, identified an increase in religious fundamentalism as
\n leading to religious liberty being “routinely violated across much of Asia.”159<\/div>\n
Christians were already marginalised socially especially where ’employment opportunities, welfare assistance, social networking were shaped by ethno-
\n religious ties’.160 However, the rise of militant nationalism has been accompanied by a substantial rise in the number of attacks. Without reducing
\n and homogenizing the drivers of these incidents, it is fair to say that the nationalistic, mono-religious impulses mentioned above are often a
\n significant factor in such incidents. In 2017, Sri Lanka saw a rise in attacks on both Christians and Muslims, with 97 documented incidents, despite
\n violent incidents against Christians having fallen after a previous peak. These included ‘attacks on churches, intimidation and violence against
\n pastors and their congregations, and obstruction of worship services’.161 In India, persecution has risen sharply since the rise to power of the
\n right-wing Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2014.162 Figures suggest that there were 736 attacks
\n against Christians in 2017, compared with 358 in 2016.163<\/div>\n
It is worth noting at this point that in South Asia, as elsewhere, Christianity often acts as a bellwether for the state of freedom of religion or
\n belief more generally, and the problems affecting Christians will almost invariably reflect the sorts of issues facing other minority religious
\n groups. While data is available marking the rising number of attacks on Christians in India, unfortunately no comparable figures exist for attacks
\n on the country’s other groups. However, there is evidence indicating that attacks on other minority religions, including the country’s Muslim community,
\n also rose during the same period.164 This further reinforces the point that Christian persecution provides a bellwether for the general state of
\n religious liberty and the toleration of minority religious groups in the region.<\/div>\n
Allied to rising attacks are reports of Christians being denied redress under the law, regardless of their constitutional, statutory or other legal
\n rights. There have been reports of police failing to respond to incidents in countries across the !28<\/div>\n
<\/p>\n
region. The Rt Rev’d Anthony Chirayath, Syro-Malabar Bishop of Sagar, central India, described Hindutva extremists beating up eight of his priests
\n and burning their vehicle in Satna, Madhya Pradesh. No action was taken by the authorities, despite the incident happening outside a police station.165
\n In Pakistan, police refused to start an investigation after Arif Masih and his sister, Jameela, were seized by seven men with guns and rods who
\n burst into the family home near Kasur in September 2016. After beating members of the Christian family, the intruders dragged 17-year-old Jameela
\n and 20-year-old Arif into a van parked outside the home. After Arif finally escaped from the large house the siblings were taken to, he described
\n hearing his sister screaming and reported being told that men were taking turns to rape her, but that this would stop if he converted to Islam.166
\n The kidnapping of girls from Christian and indeed other religious minority backgrounds is a significant problem in both Pakistan and India,167
\n one that reports suggest is exacerbated by the authorities’ reluctance to take action in both countries.<\/div>\n
Restrictive legislation can cause problems for Christians and other minority groups. In November 2018 the United States Commission on International
\n Religious Freedom (USCIRF) called on the U.S. government to press governments in Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka to rescind anti-conversion
\n laws, ‘that limit the ability of religious groups to proselytize and the freedom of individuals to convert to a different religion’. 168 In a report
\n issued at the same time the commission stated:<\/div>\n
Often the motivation behind these laws, though not officially stated as such, is to protect the dominant religious tradition from a perceived threat
\n from minority religious groups. The methods of preventing conversion vary: in India, several state legislatures have adopted laws limiting conversions
\n away from Hinduism; in Pakistan, national blasphemy laws are used to criminalize attempts by non- Muslims to convert Muslims; and in India, Pakistan,
\n and Nepal, governments are tightening their control over non-governmental organizations (NGOs), especially foreign missionary groups.169<\/div>\n
While one should not ignore genuine concerns that such groups may be using aggressive and manipulative forms of proselytism most mainstream Christian
\n groups strongly eschew such methods.170 However, claims of this sort of behaviour feed into narratives of Christianity as intrinsically antagonistic
\n to the majority faith group. In India BJP MP Bharat Singh described Christian missionaries as ‘a threat to the unity of the country’.171 In Nepal,
\n where evangelisation is prohibited by constitution, six Christians in the eastern Tehrathrum district were placed under police custody on charges
\n of evangelising in May 2018. Two of them were arrested while singing worship songs in public and four others were taken from their home by police.172<\/div>\n
While a number of countries in the region have blasphemy laws, in many countries such as Sri Lanka, India and Indonesia, these are framed in general
\n terms and, at least in theory, offer equal protection to all religious groups.173 However, the USCIRF notes that Pakistan’s laws in this area are
\n notable for their ‘severity of penalty’.174 Under articles 295 B, 295 C, 298 A, 298 B, 298 C of the Pakistan Penal<\/div>\n
!29<\/div>\n
<\/p>\n
Code profaning the Qur’an and insulting Muhammad are both punishable offences, respectively carrying maximum sentences of life imprisonment and death.175
\n The reach of Pakistan’s blasphemy laws affects all non-mainstream-Muslim minority groups, including Ahmadi Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs and humanists.176
\n The most notorious case is that of Asia Bibi, a Christian woman who spent ten years in jail after being sentenced to death for blasphemy. Despite
\n being released from prison in late 2018, she lived in ‘secret, protective custody’177, because of fears that vigilante mobs would carry out the
\n original court sentence. Mobs often take the law in their own hands following blasphemy accusations. A number of those accused of blasphemy have
\n been killed before the case reaches the courts.<\/div>\n
South Asia Conclusion<\/div>\n
The growth of militant nationalism has been the key driver of Christian persecution in South Asia. The table below encapsulates the range of measures
\n used to limit minority rights in the region.<\/div>\n
Summary of Majoritarian Limits Used to Prevent Religious Conversion in South Asia<\/div>\n
(USCIRF data from Limitations on Minorities’ Religious Freedom in South Asia, p.2)<\/div>\n
Country<\/div>\n
Bangladesh<\/div>\n
India<\/div>\n
Nepal<\/div>\n
Pakistan<\/div>\n
Sri Lanka<\/div>\n
Majority Religious Group<\/div>\n
Muslim (86%)<\/div>\n
Hindu (80%)<\/div>\n
Hindu (80%)<\/div>\n
Muslim (96.5%)<\/div>\n
Buddhist (70%)<\/div>\n
Impacted Minority Religious Groups<\/div>\n
Christian, Hindu (12.5%)<\/div>\n
Christian, Muslim (16.5%)<\/div>\n
Christian, Muslim (6%)<\/div>\n
Christian, Hindu (3.5%)<\/div>\n
Muslim, Christian (17.3%)<\/div>\n
Existence of Anti- Conversion Laws<\/div>\n
N<\/div>\n
Y<\/div>\n
Y<\/div>\n
N<\/div>\n
Law Proposed, invalidated in 2004<\/div>\n
Existence of Blasphemy Laws<\/div>\n
N<\/div>\n
Y<\/div>\n
Y<\/div>\n
Y<\/div>\n
Y<\/div>\n
International NGO Registration Limitations<\/div>\n
Y<\/div>\n
Y<\/div>\n
New Law Proposed in 2018<\/div>\n
Y<\/div>\n
N<\/div>\n
In a new development for Sri Lanka the specific targeting of Catholic and Protestant Christians appears to be the motivation for the horrific 2019
\n Easter bombings, as part of the wider ISIS inspired Jihadist movement with the perpetrators stating their allegiance in a pre-recorded video message
\n to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi178. This attack combined the targeting of Sri Lanka’s Christian minority with western tourists and visiting members of
\n the Sri Lankan diaspora (some of whom were eating breakfast, having recently returned from Easter vigils at local churches) as the prime focus
\n of the attacks.\u2029<\/div>\n
!30<\/div>\n
<\/p>\n
Regional Focus: Sub-Saharan Africa<\/div>\n
To the south of the MENA region lies sub-Saharan Africa, a majority Christian region179. However, a string of countries on the southern edge of the
\n Sahara desert, roughly from Dakar to Djibouti have formed a fault line where Muslim- majority culture and Christian-majority culture abut and overlap.
\n Inter-communal tensions that have been limited in the past have come under severe pressure from extremist groups triggering violent attacks and
\n discriminatory actions.<\/div>\n
Some of the most egregious persecution of Christians has taken place in Sub- Saharan Africa, where reports showed a surge in attacks during the period